The Case for Change

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Action Agenda

The Case for Change

Despite years of policy changes, Australia faces formidable challenges to our future prosperity.

Australia has long been a comparatively wealthy nation within the global community, providing a good standard of living for its citizens.

When most Australians think about the future, they are rightly concerned that our nation be able to continue to provide a good living standard for all our citizens in an age of great technological change and globalisation.

The Taskforce does not accept that these processes — the cause of much anxiety in Australia — must necessarily erode Australians’ living standards in the years ahead. The task before us is how we equip our citizens — all our citizens — to be successful and prosperous. The first step in that process is a clear-eyed view of the challenges to Australia’s prosperity this century. We achieve nothing by being needlessly alarmist or excessively complacent.

The good news is that in purely economic terms, Australia remains a wealthy nation, currently ranked 13th in the world in terms of GDP per capita. (4)

The bad news comes in three parts:

1. We are slipping behind in earning our living in the world.

2. We face a great challenge to boost Australia’s productivity, and hence living standards, for the future.

3. Without prompt action our success in the world will come at the cost of a more divided society.

We now deal with these in turn:

1. We are slipping behind in earning our living in the world.

International trade is important to Australia’s living standards. Our export earnings boost Australian economic growth and help to fund our imports from the rest of the world. The impact of international trade on the Australian economy is illustrated by Australia’s terms of trade — the average prices of our exports, divided by the average prices of our imports. Australia has suffered a long-term deterioration in our terms of trade over the past four decades, as shown in Figure 3.

Put simply, this means that Australia’s export earnings cover less and less of the bill for our imported products, detracting from our total national income. This can be illustrated by adjusting GDP per capita today for the change in the terms of trade. If we enjoyed the average terms of trade of 122 in the 1960s, as shown in Figure 3, GDP would be 2.8 per cent higher than it is today, or around $900 of extra national income for every man, woman and child in Australia.

What can be done to reverse the decline in Australia’s terms of trade? It is widely accepted that the reason for the decline is the shift of global trade towards higher value added goods and services, whereas Australia’s exports have not undergone a commensurate transformation. Australia must therefore accelerate development of its share of global trade in emerging growth industries in ICT, environmental management and biotechnology, as well as across a range of elaborately transformed manufactures (ETMs), and radically improve its performance in latent high value-added services trade, such as education and health care.

The conclusion is that to earn a better living from international trade in high value added sectors, including those of the new economy, Australia must become a Knowledge Nation.

FIGURE 3: Average terms of trade by decade (5)

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(4) World Bank, World Development Indicators 2000
(5) Note: Index year 1998–99 = 100

2. We face a great challenge to boost Australia’s productivity, and hence living standards, for the future.

Improving productivity — the amount of national output produced by inputs (especially labour) into the production process — is crucial to improving national living standards.

Put simply, increases in productivity are the best sustainable way of increasing living standards because they produce the extra output that can then be distributed back to those who made it, rather than relying solely on redistributing income from elsewhere within the economy.

Australia’s productivity performance in recent years has been impressive. Table 2 shows labour and multifactor productivity since the 1970s. (6)

TABLE 2: Australian productivity growth rates (annual average)

  Labour Productivity Multifactor Productivity
Second half of 1990s 3.7 2.0
1990s 2.9 1.4
1980s 1.4 0.4
1970s 2.8 1.3
Average since 1964/65 2.4 1.1
Source: ABS 5204.0

In its recent review of Australia’s productivity performance, the Productivity Commission concluded that this improved performance was the result of microeconomic and labour market reforms during the 1980s and 1990s. (7)

Interestingly, the Productivity Commission also concludes that this productivity acceleration has not been due to the take-up of new technologies. (8)

A key benchmark for productivity is the United States, driven in particular by the fact that United States living standards (GDP per capita) are more than 50 per cent above Australian levels. (9) In this case, the comparison is less encouraging. As Table 3 shows, Australia has closed the (labour) productivity gap with the world’s leading economy more slowly than all but five of the 22 OECD countries listed. (10)

So where is the next big productivity boost to originate that will allow Australia to bridge the productivity (and hence living standards) gap with the leading global economies?

The Taskforce argues that while additional economic reforms such as those of the 1980s and 1990s can and will further improve Australian productivity, the great productivity gains in the future will flow from investing in human capital, innovating in industries, and embracing new technologies.

This conclusion is supported by the findings of a recent two-year OECD study into the drivers of economic growth for the future: (11)

bulletIn the long term, growth depends on building and maintaining an environment that is conducive to innovation and the application of new technologies. This involves ensuring the generation of new knowledge, making public investment in innovation more effective, improving interaction between universities, research institutes and firms, and establishing the right incentives for innovation. (12)

And

bulletInvesting in human capital is good for growth, especially in the context of rapid technological change: for ICT to be used effectively and the benefits of new technology to materialise, the right skills and competencies must be in place. (13)

The conclusion is that Australia must become a Knowledge Nation to improve the productivity and, therefore, the living standards of our people.

(6) Labour productivity is simply output per hour worked. Multifactor productivity measures the efficiency with which both capital and labour inputs are used in the economy.
(7) Productivity Commission (19 June 1999) The New Economy? A new look at Australia’s productivity performance.
(8) Note, however, that recent (and heavily qualified) research from the Reserve Bank of Australia (David Gruen ‘Australia’s Strong Productivity Growth: Will it be Sustained? ’ Reserve Bank of Australia Bulletin, February 2001) does suggest the use of IT was a significant factor in Australia’s productivity growth during the 1990s.
(9) In $US at Purchasing Power Parity (1998). Source: United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) Handbook of Statistics Table 6.1
(10) These labour productivity figures were prepared on a Purchasing Power Parity basis
(11) OECD (2001) The New Economy: Beyond the Hype 1 — Final Report on the OECD Growth Project OECD. http://www.oecd.org/subject/MCM/2001/products/0001321e.pdf
(12) ibid, p1
(13) ibid, p13

3. Without prompt action our success in the world will come at the cost of a more divided society.

The Taskforce believes it is morally unacceptable for the benefits of economic growth to go disproportionately to the few.

History teaches us very clearly what happens if change and reform are not in the interest of the majority of people. A recent book, Globalisation and History: the Evolution of a Nineteenth Century Atlantic Economy, disproves the popular belief that the globalisation of the early part of the 20th century was brought undone by the First World War. It was brought undone by a popular backlash against globalisation before the First World War. (14)

The same point was well made by The Economist, which stated in a recent editorial:

bulletInternational economic integration is not an ineluctable process ... it is only one, the best, of many possible futures for the world economy ... [G]overnments, and through them their electorates, will have a far bigger say in deciding this future than most people appear to think. The protestors are right that governments and companies — if only they can be moved by the force of argument, or just by force — have it within their power to slow and even reverse the economic trends of the past 20 years. (15)

In this context, a report by the National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling makes sobering reading. (16)

TABLE 3: Productivity levels in OECD countries, 1950– 98 (GDP per man-hour relative to the United States)

  1950 1960 1973 1987 1992 1998
United States 100 100 100 100 100 100
Japan 15 20 45 60 67 68
West Germany 34 52 73 91 100 106
Germany       87 90
France 42 51 74 99 101 102
Italy 38 46 78 96 97 100
United Kingdom 58 57 68 81 79 82
Canada 68 72 75 83 82 80
Australia 66 68 69 77 75 78
Belgium 50 53 76 102 108 109
Denmark 54 58 79 85 85 89
Finland 32 37 59 69 74 82
Greece 19 n.a. 43 55 54 54
Ireland 32 n.a. 46 66 77 86
Korea 11 n.a. 15 25 32 36
Mexico 35 n.a. 47 n.a. 41 34
Netherlands 49 57 82 98 107 98
Norway 51 n.a. 71 96 104 109
Portugal 20 n.a. 42 44 48 50
Spain 24 n.a. 53 79 80 79
Sweden 50 55 78 84 82 84
Switzerland 70 74 84 85 87 85
Coeff. of variation1 50 n.a. 30 26 25 24
1 Excluding Mexico and Germany.
Source: OECD estimates.
(14) KH O’Rourke and JG Richardson (1999), Globalization and History: The Evolution of a Nineteenth-Century Atlantic Economy. MIT Press
(15) The Case for Globalisation, The Economist, 21 September 2000
(16) A King (May 1999), Trends in the Distribution of Australian Incomes, National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling

Analysing income distribution trends between 1982 and 1993–4, the report concludes that:

bulletFalls in real earnings are shown for those in the lower part of the income distribution; substantial increases are shown for those in the upper parts ... This spreading of market incomes can be seen as the result of developments such as Australia’s changing economic structure, globalisation, and changes in industrial relations.

Over the period 1982 to 1993, Australia shared this phenomenon of increasing inequality of market incomes with most other developed nations. However, the report goes on to note:

bulletWhat might come as a surprise is ... that, despite a marked increase in the inequality of market incomes, there has been relatively little change in the overall distribution of total after-tax income. The main reason for this is that developments in social security — real increases in many payments, substantial increases in family payments and rent assistance — have largely countered the increasing inequality of market incomes. (17)

In this, Australia stood out against an international trend. This is a laudable achievement, but the concern must be that a government without a similar commitment to social justice will allow these underlying inequalities to emerge.

The Taskforce believes that the job for government in the century ahead will be to attack the root causes of inequality in market incomes as well.

There has been much argument that globalisation has led to a decline in low-skill wages (in developed nations) relative to high-skill workers. There is little empirical evidence for this in Australia. However, a recent study by the Economic Planning and Advisory Council (EPAC) indicated the significant returns to high-skilled workers, in the form of higher employment growth, as indicated by Table 4. (18)

This supports what most Australians understand intuitively — that higher skills are the road to more secure employment in the modern Australian economy.

The conclusion is that Australia must become a Knowledge Nation, investing in the education and training of all its citizens, to give each a secure and prosperous place in the modern Australian economy.

Taken together, these three elements of improving our international trade performance; boosting our national productivity; and bridging the skill, employment and income gaps in our society, illustrate briefly the Taskforce’s case for a radical change towards making Australia a Knowledge Nation.

The next task is to describe how Australia is performing in creating a Knowledge Nation compared to other countries.

TABLE 4: Wages and employment growth by occupational group (%)


By skill level of occupation
Nominal Wages
(1986–1995)
Employment
(1986–1994)
High 58 24
Middle 52 0
Low 55 2
Source: EPAC (1996)
(17) ‘The Case for Globalisation’, The Economist, 21 September 2000
(18) Economic Planning and Advisory Commission (EPAC) (1996) Future Labour Market Issues for Australia; EPAC Paper #12; AGPS